Armed-conflict and Women's Well-being in Manipur
By Homen Thangjam
The disturbing feature about women's response
to the ongoing conflict is their perpetual engagement
in fighting against conflict and the multiple roles
they take up. Both features affect their well-being
and disturb the contours of social capital.
INTRODUCTION
High concrete walls
and tall iron gates around traditional homes symbolise
Manipur's 'unwell-being'. Until a recent past, bamboo
fences, hedges and bamboo wickets were barriers used
against straying cattle, not against people. Every
courtyard in a leikai (village/town locality) was
passable from one end to the other through small openings.
Erecting fences between two neighbours symbolised
the existence of hostile neighbourhood or enmity.
But increasing number of such enclosures now signifies
barriers against people. This malaise, unknown before,
is borne out of anxiety and distrust. This anxiety
and distrust have their roots in the conflict that
has permeated into the Manipuri society so prominently
in the last four decades. The resultant outcome has
its ramifications that affect various dimensions of
the well-being of the people.
It is the intense
nature of the conflict that has produced two inter-related
social issues. One, restrictions in every dimensions
of life. Two, assumptions of multiple roles by Manipuri
women vis-à-vis the conflict. In order to put the
issues into perspective, it is essential to analyse
the production and distribution of power, wealth,
and destitution during conflict. This approach is
different from analysing the causal factors responsible
for armed-conflict. Addressing the original sources
of grievances that led to current conflict does not
necessarily address the dynamics of the conflicts
generated. In other words, there is a need to look
at what kind of impact conflict itself has produced
over a period of time.
UNDERSTANDING WELL-BEING
IN MANIPUR
In traditional Manipuri
society, well-being of individuals was understood
in terms of collective responsibility and welfare.
The existence of a form of social capital, social
support systems and communitarian approaches to livelihood
questions sustained well-being. In addition, the traditional
concept of communal ownership of land1 and other natural
resources gave a lifeline to the poor. The prevalence
of the lallup system2 necessitated a communitarian
approach to issues related at community level. One
could find this ethos embedded either in work culture
(sharing of labour known as khutlang) or during response
to a crisis. The extension of this social capital
operates at other levels of the society and work on
the principle of mutual trust and reciprocity. Thus,
Lup (community level associations or clubs) served
to meet exigencies. Commenting on the significance
of singlup (association that oversees the last rites),
one of the many lups, R. Brown writes, 'In the event
of a villager sinking into a state of extreme poverty,
these clubs supply him with necessary food. In sickness,
they look after him, and when dead, provide the wood
etc. for his last rites. In this way, although many
of the inhabitants are very poor, actual starvation
or fatal neglect is rendered impossible.'3 In this
way, deprivations and destitutions were contained.
WOMEN'S WELL-BEING
Historically, the
state played an important role to protect the well-being
of women. This is evident from the institution of
Pacha loishang (women's court), the women's right
to appeal4 and economic freedom accorded to them.
While social justice informed the state, at the societal
level social relations were governed by principles
of collective endeavours, reciprocity and sharing.
Functional occupation
of the males in the service of the State, the lallup
system, left the trade and economic space, other manual
works and professions to women. Keithel (marketplace)
solely belonged to the women. Manjushree Sircar opines
that women belong to a wider extra domestic world,
and exert political power that arises out of their
socio-economic roles.5 In addition to the lallup system,
depopulation of males during the 'Seven Years Devastation'6
was responsible for women taking up trade and economic
activities. Moreover, the advent of colonialism in
1891, which integrated Manipur to a wider capitalist
system and improved transportation network enabled
them to extend their trading activities beyond Manipur.
At the societal level,
well-being of women is generated through collective
activities. For example, the role of the community
becomes visible once a woman becomes pregnant. A first-time
would-be mother is advised or taught childbirth lessons
in special lunches or dinners by friends and relatives.
After a child is born, the maternal grandmother or
an aunt assists the mother in taking care of the baby.
Visitors bring special food items for the mother.
The tradition of shared breast-feeding or sharing
of motherhood ensures a better chance for survival
of every child born in the community. Neighbours and
leikai women help in tending and caring the child,
giving relief to the mother.
Yet, there are opinions,
which point out gender biases of the time in the domestic
sphere. Dun writes, 'With their industry and usefulness
women hold a very inferior position and are considered
more in the light of goods and chattels than as persons
to be treated with honour and consideration'.7 McCulloh
opines, 'A man can put away his wife without any fault
on her part…. Women are really slaves of their husbands.'8
Women were also victims of polygamy9 and other forms
of male oppression. However, these deviances, unknown
before, originated once a conservative religious ideology10
crept in and the traditional society was replaced
by a colonial society. The abolition of institutions
and a political system that was gender sensitive resulted
in loss of women's status.
THE PRESENT SITUATION
Subsequent changes
brought about by British colonialism and Manipur's
integration to India has brought in new dimensions
to well-being and livelihood questions. While pacha
loishang and women's right to appeal have disappeared
over the time, the institution of keithel and women's
economic role have persisted. The abolition of lallup
system (replaced by tax system) and monetisation of
the economy by the British in 1892 added more burdens
on women in terms of running the family. At the same
time, the introduction of machines and machine made
goods rendered many jobless and affected traditional
domain of women's productive work.11 Amidst the rising
hardship, women also continued to perform traditionally
assigned gendered-roles such as domestic chores and
weeding during the paddy season. Subsequent integration
of Manipur with India has not altered the roles of
women.
The principles of
welfare-ism that India rejoiced (till the last decade
of the 1980s) was juxtaposed against the image of
a modern nation-state caught in a 'game of catch up'-a
phrase which has come to be called as 'progress' and
'development'.12 The desired 'trickle down effect'
of welfare-ism was minimal. At the same time, 'development'
and 'progress' unleashed violence, which rendered
many landless and destroyed their livelihoods. Shrinking
opportu-nities and problems of unemployment has become
an increasing trend. There are 397152 unemployed youths
in the state out of which the female share is 106067.13
Women are usually in a more disadvantaged position
because of their low skill (technical) and low educational
attainment. There are education differentials with
female literacy at 59.70 percent and male literacy
at 77.87 percent as per the 2001 Census. The additional
task women take up in the rising tide of unemployment
is enormous. Maximum burden for sustaining the family
is on women. This is evident in the keithels. Women
also form the largest group of marginal workers. As
per the Census of India, 1991, female marginal workers
constituted 57 percent. The 2001 Census puts the urban
and rural divide at 13.70 and 18.16 percentage respectively
to the total main workers.
Increasing physical
violence against them also worsens the problem. Susila
states that between July 1998 and December 2001, there
were 737 cases (domestic violence) in the Family Counseling
Centre.14 They are the most vulnerable group in the
emerging trend of militarisation in the state.
ARMED-CONFLICT IN
MANIPUR
Conflict is a struggle
between individuals or collectives over values or
claims or status, power and scarce resources. The
aims of conflicting parties are to assert their values
or claims over those of others.15 Conflict is embedded
in society and cannot be separated from ongoing political
and social processes. Thus, conflict is not the irrational
breakdown of societies or economies: rather it is
the reorder-ing of society in particular ways. However,
conflict becomes problematic when it takes the shape
of an armed-conflict. Armed-conflict can be understood
as a contested incompatibility, which concerns government
and/or territory where the use of armed force between
two parties, of which at least one is the govern-ment
of a state, and results in at least 25 battle related
deaths.16 Cliffe and Rock opine, 'Once violent conflict
(militarized violence) emerges it transforms itself
and all around it-the state, livelihoods, economy
and social relations'.17 An examination of the situation
of conflict in Manipur reveals this reality.
Armed-opposition
movements in Manipur are grounded in ethno-nationalism
and have a historical setting. There are more than
20 armed-opposition groups in the state. Their demand
ranges from separate statehood to self-determination.
Every group is engaged in fights against what they
call 'Indian occupational forces'. The prevalence
of military and armed-opposition groups and laws to
combat armed-opposition movements have created a situation
of internal war in the state. In addition, there are
other derivatives of conflict in the form of bandhs,
economic blockades, strikes, etc. that cause destruction
to private and public properties, shortages of food
supplies and essential commodities.
THE STATE'S RESPONSE
TO ARMED-OPPOSITION MOVEMENTS
The aspiration for
independence from India has been met by a renewed
Indian determination to secure the territorial integrity
of the Union. India's response had been the perpetual
reliance on military methods and enactment of anti-people
laws. This has been simultaneously played out with
increased Central funding as the best way to curb
insurgency. The Indian Army with support from the
paramilitary forces and state police are engaged in
fighting against the armed-rebels in Manipur or the
Northeast. In the late 1991, the military operation
involved at least four Indian Army divisions and 270
paramilitary companies.18 Military action is justified
under the wide rubric of the Armed Forces (Special
Powers) Act 1958.
Increasing security
related expenditure has constricted the availability
of funds to undertake development activities in the
state. The state spends almost 70 paisa per rupee
on administrative expenses. Of the administrative
expenses, policing consumes up to 70 percent of the
total.19 The Ministry of Home Affairs has taken up
a 100 percent centrally funded special scheme for
modernisation of police forces in the Northeast. In
addition, the Centre would supply arms and ammunition,
vehicles, communication equipment and other essential
equipment. Under this plan, the Centre agreed to reimburse
all counter insur-gency expenses incurred by the Northeast
states in the last 20 years but asked the state governments
to intensify its operation against the insurgents.
An amount of Rs. 377 crores, approximately, was released
during the periods 1997-98, 1998-99 and 1999-2000.20
Chief Minister of Manipur had earlier urged the Centre
to release Rs. 1040 millions as reimbursement for
counter-insurgency operation.21 The amount spent by
the government in counter-insurgency operations in
the past two decades was roughly equal to the Plan
allocation for the state for the year 1998-99 which
stood at Rs. 4250 millions.22 On the other hand, Manipur's
annual expenditure incurred on social sector programmes
fell by 21.1 percent to about Rs. 398 crores during
the year 2000-01.23
The Tenth Finance
Commission earmarked grants totaling Rs.144.30 crores
for the Northeastern states.24 For Manipur, the amount
stands at Rs. 1436.96 lakhs. This amount does not
include allocation for defence forces (army and paramilitary
forces) operating in Manipur. Thus, the cost of counter
insurgency exercises has cut a deep dent in the developmental
works of the state.
CONFLICT, RESTRICTIONS
& WOMEN
In the prevailing
climate of conflict, there is practically no guarantee
to life. During 1992-2001, 3006 persons died in insurgent
related killings in Manipur. From 2002 to May 2005,
the number stood at 729.25 In addition, there are
the interrelated problems of human rights violations.
Women withstand the worst of conflict directly in
terms of threat to life, sexual harassments, rape
and restrictions upon livelihood means. They also
undergo trauma when near and dear ones are arrested
arbitrarily, tortured, detained or killed by any parties
to the conflict. The most worrying aspect is the fear
of the unknown as a woman puts it. 'Any time, any
one of your relatives or even yourself, or, your own
house or locality, can be a target. We cannot sleep
until all the family members return safely to the
house'.26 Therefore, the issue of well-being is central
to their problems in a situation of conflict.
The situation of
conflict creates a sense of insecurity and uncertainty.
Restriction is the most disturbing outcome. Our understanding
of the term encompasses the complex network of human
realities imaginable in a situation of conflict, starting
from circumscription on one's physical mobility to
threats posed to life. Restrictions affect physical
mobility and hence, restrict one's livelihood means
and economic activities. The hardest hit sections
are from the peasant and the working class. The cases
of the keithel phambis (women vendors) and women traders
highlight this reality. Enhanced exploitation and
deprivations by the stronger and richer are the ultimate
outcomes.
Restrictions on
physical mobility hinder one's access to resources
and institutions around them. Militarisation of the
civil space and military occupation of places denies
one's access to resources around them. Curfews, bandhs,
blockades etc. disable one's access to institutions
of public goods and services. Indefinite closure of
educational institutions, health centres and other
such institutions affect one's personal growth, development,
and health.
Women's mobility
in terms of conducting trade and other economic activities
in the traditional past presupposed a safe environment
free of restrictions and violence. One visible impact
of the ongoing conflict is on the institution of keithel.
These institutions are the mainstay of earning a livelihood
for women and for supporting their families. The Ima
keithel alone hosts more than 7000 keithel phambis
on a daily basis. As a site for launching any form
of protest, agitation or movement by women, keithels
are affected in many ways. Boycott of keithel is one
of the strategies followed by the women. At the same
time, the government follows wanton imposition of
keithel bandhs whenever women undertake agitations.
Curfews, general strikes, and shoot-out in the market
places are other incidents, which affect the keithels.
Restriction on mobility
affects women traders, too. 'In this society, women
are more resilient, hardworking and much more realistic
than men in coming to terms with their lives. You'll
find most women willing to work for long hours just
to earn Rs 5. They would not mind working for eight
hours, or walking 3 km. carrying the vegetables on
their heads, rather than sell themselves in the flesh
trade'.27 Constant frisking by the security forces
hinders one's journey and causes loss of precious
time.
Women had expressed
their frustration against the frequent call of bandhs,
general strikes and economic blockades in 2005 during
the Meitei script movement in the state.28 In a symbolic
gesture, a large number of women placed their kitchen
utensils on the road, inviting the vehicles to run
over them. They stated that the frequent impositions
of bandhs and blockades have dealt a hard blow on
their economy, especially in meeting the daily requirements,
such as food.
Economic restrictions
have created a situation of enhanced exploitation
in the state. Power flows from the barrels of the
guns and likewise is distributed. Women condemn payment
of double taxes, extortion on the highways, confiscation
of goods and money by the conflicting parties29 as
ultimately those affect them. Common people become
victims of those who 'can' afford to buy 'peace' from
both the conflicting parties. This category of people
engages in business by paying taxes to the armed rebels
and state forces. They recover the same through proportional
increase in prices of the commodities/services. By
this logic, the rich gets richer in a situation of
conflict, and the poor gets poorer.
COLLECTIVE RESPONSE
& MULTIPLE ROLES
Meira Paibis or the
women 'torch bearers' is a phenomenon of collective
response to the excesses of the armed-forces. They
draw their strength and resilience from history and
the tradition of collective action.30 Meira Paibis
patrol the neighbourhood late into the night with
torches in their hands. Their presence is found in
every village and locality in the valley area. Membership
is voluntary and married women in the age group of
18 years to 80 years are the usual members. They are
engaged in fighting against State repressions and
human rights issues. They also persuade the armed
rebels to refrain from attacking state security forces
and to stop fratricide.
The disturbing feature
about women's response to the ongoing conflict is
their perpetual engagement in fighting against conflict
and the multiple roles they take up. Both features
affect their well-being and disturb the contours of
social capital.
The emergence of
the institution of Meira Paibis has made participation
mandatory for every woman in the valley. The investment
of women's energy into economically non-productive
activities, in addition to earning a livelihood, is
a direct outcome of conflict. During daytime, she
is someone engaged in some form of productive work,
even if the work is marginal. By nighttime, she has
to take up the social responsibility of keeping vigil
over her leikai as a Meira Paibi for which she is
not paid. In between these two sojourns, she has to
perform the domestic chores. Thus, health, nutrition,
rest and child-care of these women are invariably
affected.
On an average, a
common Meira paibi spends three to four hours daily
with her group in keeping vigil over the leikai. All
the while they are exposed to dangers-to the bullets
of the conflicting parties, sexual and physical harassment
as well as to the elements of weather. Once they return
home, they have to be alert to hear the clanging of
the 'poles',31 and rush out to face the unknown. Then,
there are times when they have to participate in dharna,
procession and rally etc. stretching into days. The
protest against the imposition of the Armed Forces
(Special Powers) Act in 1980 lasted from April 17
to May 28. The recent agitation against the removal
of the same Act following the alleged rape and killing
of Th. Manorama in July 2004 lasted for more than
two months. If one adds, their working hour which
usually begins at the wee hour of the morning (except
for office goers) and lasts till late evening,32 and
then the hours spent on domestic work, we get the
picture of a person deprived of leisure, rest and
sleep. These are important requirements for leading
a healthy life. And health is one of the dimensions
of well-being. Lack of health infrastructures further
worsens the situation.33
Motherly roles of
women are 'nurturing' and 'caring'. The situation
of conflict and women's engagement in Meira Paibi
movement have affected these important responsibilities.
The welfare of the children, their performance in
schools and socialisation are spheres in which mothers
play important roles. The increasing numbers of school
dropouts, tendency to join the armed-opposition groups
among teenagers have taken away a mother's time from
the family.
CONCLUSION
The perpetual engagement
of the women collectively as peacekeepers or as protectors
of civil liberty is a case of misplaced social capital.
Though social investment is good for developing social
capital, in a situation of conflict this associational
life is not about creation or maintenance of democracy.
Rather collective effort is directed at containing
conflict and saving human lives. The simple fact is
that militarisation has replaced democratisation in
the state.
In this prevailing
atmosphere, women's efforts have been to enable an
individual walk freely in the street and reduce militarised
violence. Whereas, in the traditional past, when it
was not informed by ideas of modern democracy, associational
life was not about making the street safe but was
about warding off servitude and building an egalitarian
lifestyle. The potentially negative impact that the
collective endeavours bear on the individual well-being,
in terms of livelihood questions, health consequences
and family life, calls for an urgent need to end armed-conflict
in the state. In the situation of conflict, two Hobbesian
predicaments have emerged-preservation of life and
deprivations by the stronger. The entrenched situation
carries the potential for initiating further rounds
of conflict in Manipur. Military measures are not
the only means to tackle conflict in the state. The
over emphasis on militarism by the Indian state has
led Bimol Akoijam and Th. Tarunkumar to call the situation
as similar to declaration of 'Disguised War'.34 To
stop further alienation of the people or to end their
sufferings, a multi-pronged policy should be devised.
One way is to engage the warring groups in peace talks.
This calls for a government with will, which can provide
a platform for all to participate. Conflict resolution
should not only be about preventing violence but also
about supporting institutions that nurture well-being
of the individuals. The Meira paibis can be a useful
resource in this direction. Acknowledging the suffering
of women in Manipur, it is imperative that peace be
restored in the state for the larger interest of Indian
democracy.
NOTES & REFERENCES
1 Legally the landholding
belongs to the owners. But during non-agricultural
seasons everybody has access to these lands viz. for
grazing, fodder, collecting herbs etc.
2 Compulsory labour
and military services were demanded for ten days in
a month. In return, lands were given from which tax
was appropriated in kind. When husband died, half
the land was withdrawn until a male issue started
contributing state services.
3 R. Brown, Statistical
Account of the Native State of Manipur and the Hill
Territory under its Rule, (Calcutta: Office of the
Superintendent of Government Printing), 1873, p. 92.
4 Run by women, Pacha
loishang looked after cases related to women. Women
could appeal against injustices & were heard by the
authority. By virtue of this right even capital punishments
were pardoned by the kings. See B. Kulachandra Singh,
'The High Status that the Law of Manipur Accorded
to Meitei Women', Manipuri text, Macha Leima, No.
15, December 2001, p. 5.
5 Manjushri Chaki-Sirkar,
Feminism in a Traditional Society, (New Delhi: Vikas
Publications), 1984, p. 8.
6 The period between
1819-26 is known as Chahi Taret Khuntakpa in the history
of Manipur. During this period, there was continuous
war between the then kingdom of Manipur and Burma
(present Myanmar).
7 Capt. E.W. Dun,
Gazetteer of Manipur, (Delhi: Manas Publication),
(first published in 1886) 1992, p. 23.
8 W. McCulloch, An
Account of the Valley of Manipur, (New Delhi: Gian
Publishing House), (first published in 1859) 1980,
p. 19.
9 Manjushri Chaki-Sirkar,
op. cit., p. 8. Chahi Taret Khuntakpa, which led to
the depopulation of male in Manipur was responsible
for the practice of polygamy.
10 Ibid., p. 47.
Acceptance of Hinduism as state religion and Hindu
ideology in the beginning of 18th century led to emergence
of patriarchal social system, which eroded women's
status. A wave of conservatism crept in the society.
Yet, women at all stages of their career were allowed
the fullest liberty.
11 The number of
women depending on traditional industries of rice
pounding, flour grinding etc. had suddenly declined
from 1171 in 1921 to 249 in 1931. This was because
of installation of rice mills. See Lokendra Singh,
Unquiet Valley, (New Delhi: Mittal Publications),
1998, pp. 138-39.
12 Rubina Saigol,
'Introduction' in Neelam Hussain, Samiya Mumtaz &
Rubina Saigol (eds.), Engendering the Nation-State,
Vol. 1, (Lahore: Asimorgh Publication), 1997, pp.
3-4.
13 'Live Resister
of Employment Exchange as on 31-12-2000', Tenth Plan
Outlay, Manipur, 2005.
14 Susila Sukham,
'Pattern of Violence against Women in Manipur', Manipuri
text, The Sangai Express, September 1, 2003.
15 Jonathan Goodhand,
'Violent Conflict, Poverty and Chronic Poverty', CPRC
Working Paper 6, (United Kingdom: Chronic Poverty
Research Centre), 2001, p. 7.
16 Peter Wallensteen
and Margareta Sollenberg, 'Armed Conflict, 1989-98',
Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 36, No. 5, 1999, p.
605.
17 L. Cliffe & J.
Rock, 'Identity Livelihoods and Post Conflict Recovery
in Ethiopia and Eritrea', in B. Frederickson & F.
Wilson (eds.), Livelihood, Identity and Instability,
(Copenhagen: Centre for Development Research), 1997,
p. 311.
18 Raju G.C. Thomas,
'Secessionist Movements in South Asia', Survival,
Vol. 36, No. 2, Summer 1994, pp. 12-22.
19 Suresh Kr. Pramar,
'Rumbling on the Northeast States: Insurgency, Parallel
Governments and Wielding Powers', Asian Tribune, July
26, 2004. http://www.asiantribune.com/show_news.php?id=10541.
20 Ministry of Home
Affairs, 'Annual Report 2004: Chapter 1-North-East'.
http://mha.nic.in/ch1.html#North-East
21 'Utmost Expenses
Against Insurgency in the Region', Revolutionary People's
Front Newsletter, Vol. 1, Issue 6, October 1998, p.
2.
22 Ibid. p. 2.
23 Bharat Thiyam,
'Poverty in Manipur', The Sangai Express, Tuesday,
October 1, 2002.
24 South Asia Terrorist
Portal, 2005, http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/manipur/data_sheets/index.html
25 Ibid.
26 Association for
Development Action & Research, Situation of Women
in Manipur: 2002, (Imphal: Unpublished), p. 2.
27 Rasheeda Bhagat,
'Unemployment: Bane of Manipuri Women', Business Line,
August 7, 2002.
28 The Sangai Express,
Imphal, April 11, 2005.
29 Suresh Kr. Pramar,
op. cit., 'In Nagaland and Manipur government servants
have to pay a uniform 25 percent of their salaries
to the underground. Senior officers, especially IAS
officers and heads of Department are expected to pay
not only the 25 percent but also ensure the regular
diversion of public funds into the coffers of the
underground. All over the Region, the militants levy
road tax on all trucks and commercial vehicles, which
sometimes adds up to almost 25 percent of the cost
of the goods being transported.'
30 Historically,
Manipuri women have fought two wars against the British.
The First Nupi Lan (Women's agitation) 1904, was against
imposition of forced labour upon the male population.
The Second Nupi Lan, 1939, was against imperial hegemony/monopoly/exploitation,
irregularities and malpractice in the administration
of the state. In the post independence period, women
played active roles in the public arena and displayed
high political consciousness. In 1954 and 1959, women
took active part in the demand for a responsible government
in Manipur. See Ksh. Bimola Devi, 'Manipuri Women:
A Study', in Naorem Sanajaoba (ed.), Manipur: Past
and Present, Vol.1, (Delhi: K.M. Mittal Publications),
1988. Meira Paibi evolved from Nisha Bandi (Stop Alchohol
& Drugs) movement in the 1980s. See, Bhabananda Takhellambum,
Women's Uprising in Manipur: A Legacy Continued, (New
Delhi: WISCOMP Foundation for Universal Responsibility),
2003.
31 A Meira Paibi
usually clangs the metal telephone or electric poles
with a stone or a stick and sends alarm bells signaling
emergency situations.
32 We can get a comparative
picture of energy spent by women on agricultural and
household work from the following examples. In the
Indian Himalayas, on a one-hectare farm, a pair of
bullocks works 1,064 hours, a man 1,212 hours and
a woman 3,485 hours in a year. In Andhra Pradesh,
during the agricultural season a woman agricultural
labourer works for 15 hours, from 4 am to 8 pm, with
an hour's rest in between. Women contribute 53 percent
of the total human hours per household. See Maria
Mies, Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale:
Women in the International Division of Labour, (London
& New Jersey: Zed Books ltd.), 1986.
33 For example, hospital
beds available per 1000 persons (all areas) in 1991
is 0.79. Percentage of houses with access to safe
drinking water in1991 is 39. Percentage of houses
with access to toilet facilities in 1997 is 12. See,
National Council of Applied Economic Research, East
India Human Development Report, (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press), 2005.
34 A. Bimol Akoijam
& Th. Tarunkumar, 'Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act
1958: Disguised War & its Subversions', Eastern Quarterly,
Vol. 3, No. I, April-June 2005, pp. 5-20.
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