Problematizing Cultural Appropriation:
Folk-Blues and Socio-Political AspirationsTangkhul
DHIREN A. SADOKPAM
| A look at the new genre of Tangkhul Naga popular music shows that cultural encounters are not always from a hierarchical binary, but requires a deeper problematization keeping in view the milieu of cross-cultural encounters where the seemingly exclusive binary becomes problematic, particularly when the socio-political aspirations take a complex form. |
The concept of culture for a society in transition can be understood by its own members in numerous ways. There was a time when modernity or modern culture was better understood by juxtaposing it in complete contrast to tradition or traditional culture. With the “giver” of modern institutions and the “receiver”1 having contrasting, if not “non-reconcilable,” understanding of what was or is being transacted, the generation of meanings has multifarious, if not fused, layers. Be it politics or economy, these multifarious layers find resonance in the everyday cultural articulation of political aspirations of a society, making it even more difficult to understand them from the conventional positionality of the “binaries” like classic versus folk, modern versus tradition, art versus craft, etc. This paper seeks to understand cultural articulation of socio-political aspirations not from a hierarchical binary positioning but by problematizing the notion of cultural appropriation in a milieu of cross-cultural encounters. The attempt at problematization of cultural appropriation is done through a reading of a new genre of Tangkhul popular music epitomized by the works of Rewben Mashangva, an artiste from the hills of Ukhrul, Manipur.
Polemical debates over cultural appropriation in the last few decades of 20th century have centred on the notions of “dominance and subservience.” More specifically on how a dominant group took over the creative forms, themes and practices of lesser known group and made the best use to define the dominant culture’s own cultural products and artifacts. The emergence of the concept of “cultural appropriation” was a result of the post-colonial critique of Western expansionism. The earlier phase of the debate talked about the notion of “class appropriation” and “cultural colonialism” while the later debates made an attempt at establishing an uneasy combination of these two notions. Class appropriation here meant the phenomenon of dominant class possessing the right to define what is the official “high culture” of a society or community. This phenomenon was identified early on but not by people armed with the notions mentioned above. Early 20th century New Negro and Harlem Renaissance writers in the United States not only identified the issue but also had to engage with the emergent trend of understanding African-American folk traditions. Cultural appropriation came to acquire negative connotations like exploitation and dominance. In recent times, what some critics call cultural appropriation has also been understood in a more neutral sense as “influence” or some even have elevated it to “postmodern hybridity” with some degree of positive connotation.2
The exercise of going back to how the notion of cultural appropriation in the West came about is not to set a non-flexible foundation to our understanding of the same. The associative perception of the notion would still indicate a process under which the cultures of less powerful groups are being appropriated by the dominant group not only to maintain the status quo but also to perpetuate the ideological power base of an order. Then, how do we understand the phenomenon of appropriation of “subservient” group whose creative forms, themes and practices exist, as it were, in a state of continual flux of either recognition or indifference to other cultural patterns? Can the relationship still exist without cultural appropriation as distinct from economic and political appropriation? Or how does one culturally articulate the political and ecological settings of the place where his/her group exists? To what effect have cultural encounters shaped the new modes of expression? These are some of the questions this paper will seek to address by setting out to examine the life and works of “the father of Tangkhul folk-blues” and a popular cultural icon, Rewben Mashangva.
FROM THE TUMULTUOUS HILLS: THE POPULAR UNDERSTANDING
Rewben Mashangva, the musician, composer and the researcher is generally considered to be the leading torchbearer of the new generation of tribal folk music for many years now. He was born to Shangphai Mashangva (father) and Lasengla Mashangva (mother) in a small village called Choithar in the Ukhrul district of Manipur. He did not have the benefit of a “musical environment” in his childhood as is understood in contemporary times, save for the sound of bamboo instrument called “Talla” that his father occasionally played. Rewben dropped out of school after his tenth class (matriculation) and decided to venture into adulthood trying his hands at ordinary jobs around his ancestral home. Years later, he married Happy Mashangva and raised three daughters and a son. They are now settled at Nagaram, Imphal. It is said that Rewben was influenced by the great American balladeer Bob Dylan3 and the inimitable Rastafarian and reggae icon Bob Marley.4 In an article published by The New York Times in June 2008,5 Rewben recalled how he was initiated into music and songs of Dylan when a friend came over to his place with an album of the singer/songwriter, how it struck him that most of Dylan’s songs were “so relevant” to the landscape he grew up in, and how he acquired his first guitar at the age of fifteen. The guitar was brought to him by a trader from across the border in Burma (Myanmar). He grew up listening to western music and learning about the same through the only link – the communication medium of the poor in many developing countries, the transistor radio.
A brief scrutiny of the man and his work reveals that the socio-cultural and political milieu he grew up in had given him a unique place in the world of popular music in the Northeast. And the so-called “influences” do not matter much now. In an interview to a representative of the Manipuri portal E-Pao.net in 2008,6 Rewben said his first encounter with western music was when he became part of community singing for the church. He attended no formal music education. And in a characteristic style, he also identifies “himself” in a song called “My Land and People,”7
Oh! I was born and brought up
Here I am, Here I am,
Here I am Oh! The son of this land….
The “son of this land/soil” strain in the song is good enough base to construct a mental canvass, large enough to accommodate the imagery of the man and his times. Perhaps this also explains why he has made painstaking efforts in researching and discovering indigenous musical instruments, promoting them and drawing the attention of the new generation to their roots in the backdrop of other popular musical forms.
ARTICULATION THROUGH CREATIVE ROOTS
Rewben is the principal exponent of “Hao Music.” He has not only rediscovered and reinvented the variegated and rich folk traditions of the Tangkhuls but also refashioned tribal musical instruments to suit the Western tonal scale. Rewben is also credited for the amplification and customizing of the Tingtelia, a fiddle like traditional stringed instrument. Rewben experimented for almost a decade with the original Tingtelia so as to enable him to create a distinct sound that goes harmoniously with the modern acoustic and electric guitar and harmonica. The other instruments which accompany his “Hao Music” include Yankahui, a long bamboo flute, and a yak horn played with a mallet, apart from an assortment of modern and traditional percussions. Rewben has released two seminal music albums called Naga Folk Blues and Creation. It is only to be expected that a man who has been so much in love with the rich folk traditions will also sing songs celebrating “life and beauty.” Many of his songs pay tribute to the beauty and grace of the feminine body at par with nature’s abundant bounty. The most prominent of his compositions, “Chonkhom Philava,” has also been most popular with people who do not even understand the language of the lyric. The unforgettable lilt of the composition is befittingly matched by a numinous lyric. Some parts of the lyric translated into English goes like this:
The freshness of youth like the black thorn flower blooms...
Lady Chonkhom is the princess of the mountains…
She looks like a fairy, an angel…
Her dress – like the tail of a wild peahen…8
When he sings of the feminine beauty, Rewben simply cannot be oblivious of the fading green hills, invoking not only a sense of nostalgia for its mystical appeal but also an awareness of the fragility of the ecological settings of the land where he was born:
I walk along this red country road…
And those deep green vales just yonder me…
When the deep red sun just hit the ground…
I stood there like a child…
Watching the birds heading home…
Under this deep red burning sky...9
This Tangkhul folk and blues balladeer might be home-grown, but he drinks deeply of life and savours both the joys and travails. What is even more interesting, he has given himself the apostolic mission of popularizing his brand of music – reviving the age-old traditional folk music. Rewben Mashangva is aware that the current crop of young musicians in the region thinks that modern western music is the only path to being a successful musician. But he opines that they can become complete musicians only when they learn about their roots and realize that they cannot treat folk music as outdated.10
Commenting on his experimental music, Rewben thinks that once anyone masters the given traditional folk musical roots, it is easy to fit in the elements into western music or add western elements to the folk. Most music compositions of Rewben have the guitar sounds replaced by sound of folk instruments, or folk instruments’ sound supporting and supplementing other sounds produced by modern instruments. It is a creative fusion of sounds deeply rooted in the many folk traditions of his tribe. Rewben has been sharing experiences with great musicians of the Northeast like Rudy Wallang of Soulmate, Meghalaya, Momocha Laishram, the master percussionist, and Mangang, the famous Pena (indigenous folk fiddle) artist of Manipur. Rewben had also participated in several music fusion projects. Through platforms like the annual Roots Festival,11 he has shared music space and performed and interacted with international artists too. He is part of the Folk Art and Cultural Guild (FACG), Manipur and has taken part in many kaleidoscopic cultural shows and festivals in and outside the state.
ROOTED IN NATURE AND POLITICS
As Rewben creates milestones with his experimental music, he acknow-ledges the insights he has gained from his interactions with the vanishing tribe of traditional folk crooners in his community. He remembers fondly how he trudged to remote villages in Ukhrul district looking for enlightening interactions with the traditional folk singers. Each of these interactions had enhanced his understanding of folk arts and instruments. Rewben remembers folk experts Shamphang of Nungshang Village, Akhothing of Phungyar, Shimeingam Shinglei and Stephen Angkang who had all imparted rich insights on different folk art forms and the use of indigenous musical instruments to him. While researching for over a decade on the traditional folk instruments he uses now, he had also inadvertently re-discovered the delicate relation between the people and bamboo which can unmistakably be called the green gold for the Northeast region due to the fact that the livelihood of most communities in the region entirely depended on the rich varieties of bamboo grown here. The plant provides not only construction materials for human shelter and other handicraft products but also food and musical instruments.
Perhaps, it is Rewben’s uncanny knack of understanding the relation between music and nature that has made his mission so vibrant and arresting. He has gained copious amount of knowledge on human being’s harmonious as well as destructive relations with the land, forests and animals and the associa-tive values attached to these very relations. Right from his first music album produced by the Naga Cultural Development Society in 1999, his passion and love for the “ecology” has been unmistakably evident. While longing for a “Green Green Home,” he is also disturbed by the wanton destruction of the forest land and calls for an awakening “To save our land from vanishing.” Rewben sings:
Like a romantic man I just stood there…
Smelling the mild sweet fragrance…
Dying to hold the flirting wind…
If I should die may it be here…
Under this deep red burning sky…
I don’t want to lay my head…
under some strange foreign sky…
Set me free, set me free…
Where I belong…
Under this deep red burning sky…
May be I’m just a real great fool…
Or may be I’m a real dreamer…
Just beholding the empty sky…
When you’re busy loading your guns…
Slaughtering the wild beasts that you make…
I need a land of love and peace…
Under this deep red burning sky.12
With such lyrics and a sound so distinct, yet popular, one is free to make an attempt at portraying the “man” and what he represents. Listening to Rewben’s kind of music does not entail a perfect understanding of the intrinsic politics of poetics which make subtle presence in all his songs, lyrics and the sound. Unlike many who believe in just showcasing talents to the mass without even enabling themselves and others to know that there is a “twine” that binds all forms of sounds with nature and society, Rewben has gone ahead to give an unequivocal statement that human-made “amplified sound” can harmoniously exist with nature while representing turmoil. Through his interactions with the aged and experienced folk artists, Rewben has not only revived passion and interest in the age-old tradition but also created an innovative space for himself. If Rewben has received high accolades for his experimental folk music from the critics, he should also be credited for that innovation and introduction of the folk to the youth.
ENCOUNTER AND APPROPRIATION OF UNIQUE KIND
The descriptive attributes of Rewben Mashangva would have us believe that his creative expressions are just the representation/reflection of the socio-political turmoil that has engulfed the entire Northeast of India. With claims and counter-claims and associated political polyphony to the very idea of nationhood, community and territoriality, his works has to be placed against them. The popular belief that Northeast tribes are natural born musicians has been attributed to the region’s deep-rooted “folk and oral” tradition. While this is partially true, one should remember that the effect as it is experienced now has a history of appropriation, amalgamation and counter-appropriation. The introduction and spread of western music is as old as the encounter with British colonial expansion. The coming of the Christian missionaries to the region in the early part of 19th century from Europe and America led to the introduction of the English language, hymns and gospel music to the so called “primitive sensibilities.” And the post-colonial history of the region saw political violence of sorts quite unimagined by world watchers then. Remote corners and tiny pockets populated by ethnic groups began asserting for the right to self-determination in variegated hues. Yet, quixotically, the region where Rewben grew up had some kind of affectation for the colonial past quite akin to what David Lal Zou calls “Raj Nostalgia.”13 Unlike some urban pockets in the Northeast, many areas have not yet been saturated by Hindi film music or the popular culture of mainstream India. The advent of Christianity and English education in the region too has not been able to convert all Christians of the region into complete consumers of products representing western popular culture or music in the conventional sense. Numerous rock music bands modelled on the European and the American ones have mushroomed in major cities and towns of the Northeast. That some of them are now ready to experiment with the “form and content” on their own terms are good enough indicators that popular music in the region is in for a state of transformation.
Despite evidence of “influence” of western popular culture, can one just describe the phenomenon like that of Rewben’s as “postmodern hybridity?” That would be the easiest way to engage with his works if one decides to avoid the inconvenience of a deeper scrutiny. As addressed in the begin-ning of this paper, the idea of cultural appropriation normally indicates a process under which the cultures of less powerful groups are being appropriated by the dominant group. Going by this understanding, Rewben’s music has been appropriated by the State not explicitly in terms of enhancing the “dominance” but implicitly in terms of recognizing the socio-political content of his “craft.” In such a scenario, who transmits a message of opposite “ideational” polarities? The Government of Manipur had conferred the State Kala Akademi Award to Rewben in 2005 for his works. Earlier, he had been honoured with the title of “Guru” under Guru Shisya Parampara Scheme of 2004–2005 by the Ministry of Culture, Government of India.14 Both events carry shades of the appropriation of the creative forms, themes and practices of “subservient” groups a la the appropriation of minority black music by the white elites in the West.
A case in point is how Jazz, ragtime, be-bop, rhythm and blues, and other musical genres whose roots primarily are linked to African culture have been explicitly appropriated by upper middle class whites whose “ideology” is not much different from the one backed by the State in the United States.15 In Rewben’s case, the State or the majority culture it represents may not have “ulterior economic” interests as in the United States where the market for popular music culture is eminently large besides the “ideologically” backed culture of creating and selling “stereotypes.” In such a situation, the production of a popular culture like the one initiated by Rewben Mashangva can be understood in terms of “multiple exposures” to world cultures without reproducing them. In some sense, this can be seen as a case of counter-appropriation. The interpretation of Rewben Mashangva’s work should vary from the conventional or traditional interpretation of the “folk.” This process offers the possibility of the emergence of new insights into what has been understood as “preservation of folk tradition” by emphasizing on the contextual differences. The “aspirational” values reflected in the work have not undergone a qualitative change with the change in the relationship between the artiste and state patronage. But like all creative expressions, whether the temporality of the current pattern of relationship takes a different turn or it remains the same needs to be observed with an intent gaze. For the time being, one can for sure make an attempt at understanding the politics of “cultural appropriation” beyond the binary of “dominance and subservience.” |