Changing Role of Women in Conflict Situations:
A Study on Nalbari District of Assam

SANGHAMITRA CHOUDHURY

INTRODUCTION

Armed conflict has important direct and indirect consequences on society. Women as heterogeneous group of social actors are arguably more affected than their male counterparts in conflict situations. In fact, gendered form of physical violence exists in all types of conflict.¹ Armed conflict exacerbates inequalities in gender relations that already exist in society. In an ethnically divided society, women bodies are generally used as “ethnic markers.” The inequality that women experience in armed conflict derives from dominant understanding of gender roles.

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Nalbari has been chosen for the study for its interesting demographic composition, geographical location and peculiar socio-economic background and a history of conflict. Nalbari district² is situated in between Kamrup and Barpeta districts. Due to its strategic location, that is bordering Samdrup Jhonkhar,³ a southern district of Bhutan, which is a safe heaven for most of the North Eastern militant groups, Nalbari has become a hotbed for militant groups like United liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) and National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) as well as for the erstwhile Bodo⁴ Liberation Tigers (BLT).⁵ Several top leaders of these militant groups hail from this district. The recent creation of Bodo Territorial Administrative Division (BTAD)⁶ area has been the result of ethnic aspiration of the Bodos.

THE STUDY

This paper is trying to bring out the impact of four-cornered armed conflict on the women population of the district. It is a conflict between the militants and the security forces, militants and ex-militants (e.g. ULFA versus surrendered ULFA or SULFA), between militant groups of different ethnic origin, wherein civilians, especially women have often been targeted victims. There are instances where women’s bodies are taken as a cultural or ethnic marker and, thereof, she has had to bear the brunt of physical assault or injury.⁷ The impact of violence and stress associated with the constant threats and anxieties of living in an atmosphere of fear has been substantial. In the rural pockets of Nalbari, women are sandwiched between militants and security personnel involved in counter insurgency operations. With many of the men killed or missing, there is an increase in female headed households.
The patterning of socio-physical spaces of women depends upon the social construction of that particular society. In other words, symbolism of space is usually formulated by patriarchy.⁸ The instances from Nalbari, Assam show that spaces are never neutral and they are affected by social and power relations.

THE SEVEN ROLES FRAMEWORK

By categorising women according to their roles in the prevailing situation, it is seen that a common underlying thread runs through all the categories.⁹ The existing inherent gender biases of the communities get reinforced in such situations. The following roles of women in Nalbari district in the context of conflict situations are portraying various roles that women perform.

Women Relatives, Friends of Armed Activists

This category cover mothers, wives, sisters, partners or any female relative/friends of armed activists. Majority of women in Nalbari district come under this category. The mothers, wives, sisters, daughters and partners of armed activists bear the brunt of the atrocities of both the state as well as militant groups.¹⁰

A. The 70-year-old mother of Anil Kalita, an NDFB extremist, is psychologically traumatized. The army personnel used to come to her place in routine check-ups. Once, when Anil came to meet her, army personnel raided her house. While Anil fled away, the younger son, Jogen, was captured, taken to the army camp and badly beaten. Since then, their mother had become mentally ill, fearing that both of her sons will be taken away from her.

B. Savitri¹¹ was a 60 years old lady, a mother of an ULFA leader from Nalbari, Bhaskar Rajbonshi. On September 10, 2007 she was killed by two SULFA¹² activists in an operation conducted with the help of Nalbari Police.

C. On the eve of the Bihu festival, some army personnel came on 13-1-1993 and beat up Phuren Narzary mercilessly in his own house and in the presence of his wife, Belshri Narzary, without rhyme or reason. Next day, her husband died and the whole burden of her family fell on her.

D. On January 3, 2001, seven masked armed men clad in black trousers and jackets (“secret killers”) barged inside Bharati Kalita’s house and killed her husband Dijen Saloi, a small businessman, and his nephew because her brother-in-law is Raju Baruah, a deputy commander-in-chief of ULFA. Like many other women in Assam, who have been indirectly drawn into the vortex of the prevailing conflicts, family ties have caused immense loss to Bharati.¹³

Inference: The narratives reveal that, as relatives of armed combatants, women are willy-nilly obliged to support the activities of a militant son, husband, or a brother. Because of it, they have to grapple with trauma, widowhood and tragedy at the end. State and society treat the relatives of victims in different ways, depending on their status. Psycho-social needs of these sets of women are never addressed and these women are never seen as individual member or citizen of the state.

By and large in a patriarchal set-up, widows hardly have any public space. But in Belshri’s case, an attempt was made to make her a political symbol by the All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU) by issuing a “testament of martyr” for Phuren when the political situation was hot due to inter-ethnic clash.¹⁴

Wives of Missing Militants

The second category consists of women whose husbands, erstwhile members of different militant outfits, are missing. For almost three years since Bhutan military operations on 15th December, 2003, wives of missing ULFA members have been knocking on every door for information about the whereabouts of their missing husbands but without avail.

An analysis of the repercussion of the conflict situations on the above-mentioned categories of women in Nalbari district has led to a vicious cycle as sketched.

A widow and her child/children after losing their sole bread earner suffer primary depression because of bereavement, economic hardships and social factors. The widow mother who finds herself under heavy stress, pass on the stress to her children so that her children understands their responsibility. In Nalbari, it was observed that due to the economic hardships faced by the widow, the pressure passed on to her children produced more of a deviant behaviour in the child. This behaviour gets consolidated at the cost of development of compliance and sensitiveness for a host of reasons. This, in turn, leads to secondary depression in the widow mother and her children. Further, it leads to weakening of mother-child bond in the family. The deviant child if not counseled properly may become juvenile delinquent or criminal, propelling him/her towards joining militant factions.¹⁵

Urmila Brahma from Barama is an illustrative example. She lost her husband five years ago in a fake encounter. Since then, she has had to shoulder the responsibility of bringing up her three children alone. Two of her children were caught by police recently while smuggling kerosene illegally to neighbouring Bhutan. This incident has affected Urmila psychologically and financially. After release from jail, both her children have developed deviant behavior and they are trying to influence their young brother into their illegal business. All these have caused depression to Urmila and added to the levels of frustration, irritation and stress in the family.

Inference: Participatory research in Nalbari depicts that high rate of unemployment and economic impoverishment lured a considerable number of youth towards militancy or criminalized lifestyle. At times, the family tradition also motivates the child to follow the same role as his/her parent. Niharika, wife of ULFA member, Barin, says,

Though I never wanted my son to join ULFA, ultimately he followed the path of my husband. My son was good at studies. He passed his Higher Secondary (10+2) exam in second division. But since the family could not support him financially in his career/studies, one day he left home like most of his friends.¹⁶

Women Relatives of State Armed Forces and State Officials

This category includes mothers, wives, sisters, daughters and partners of the police and other armed personnel. Nilima is a case in point. She was fully dependent upon her brother Prafulla Kalita, a constable in the Assam Police Task Force Battalion.(APTFB). He was killed by extremists. With the man who supported her eliminated, Nilima’s health is fast collapsing [she is suffering from multiple disability (75 per cent and above as certified by Medical Board of Assam¹⁷)] while she faces a severe financial crunch. Conflict has thus taken away her only hope i.e. her brother.

Inference: In this case, as Prafulla was in police, he was adulated as a “Swahid” for his country. On the other hand, his sister is treated as “forgotten and invisible others,” as mentioned by Roshni Goswami.¹⁸

Women as Victims of Sexual or Physical Abuse or Bullets:

Innocent women are targeted both by state and non-state personnel,¹⁹ though an estimate of such victims remain a matter of guesstimate, “When rape is perceived as a crime against honour or morality, shame commonly ensues for the victim, who is often viewed by the community as dirty or spoiled.”²⁰ Women as symbolic bearers of caste or ethnic identity are systematically tortured. From a cultural perspective, the entire community is polluted as a consequence of the acts of sexual violence. Women are targeted because of their gender, and the forms of abuses inflicted upon them tend to be gender specific.²¹

The case of the 17 people,²² majority of them women along with their children, shot dead in one go by unidentified gunmen is a glaring example. These innocent Assamese women of Baralipur village were mowed down as a result of inter-ethnic clash on 13 January, 1998. As Baraliapar village adjoins Baksa district, which is dominated mostly by Bodos, it is suspected that the BLT was trying to terrorize the Assamese population into vacating the village. Incidentally, majority of the population in Baraliapar is Assamese caste Hindus.

Inference: The women victims in this category are not seen as “women” but as “Assamese women.” In this particular case, symbolic ethnicity took a political form. In other words, the victims are portrayed as symbols of Assamese identity with women being ascribed the social role of inter-generational transmitters of cultural traditions and customs along with mother tongue.²³

In case of sexual assault which is common in rural Nalbari at the time of conflict, the victim has to bear the attached “shame” as well as the burden of silently coping with post-trauma stress without any support. This is because any kind of sexual violation is looked upon by society as an act of “dishonour” rather than as a violation of the fundamental human right for every woman. In situations of ethnic conflict, when the question of identity and ethnicity are linked, this leads to increasing societal control over women’s mobility, their bodies and their ways of expression.²⁴ In Nalbari too, during the time of assertion of ethnicity, patriarchal values are reinforced. In the words of James Giligan, “Violence can be for men, a very powerful way to ward off shame and to achieve pride and honour, whereas it does not serve that purpose for women.”²⁵

Women as Shelter Providers

Voluntarily or otherwise, women sometimes give shelter to banned militants thereby inviting the army’s wrath. “A group of four asked me to cook rice for them as they were hungry.”²⁶ The militants had food, gave her some money and then left.²⁷

Anima, another respondent says, “Our poultries were killed by the terrorists and my sister’s home was made into hideouts as it was near a jungle and was located in a hilly terrain.”²⁸ There is a constant fear of being hounded by the state armed forces for being sympathizers; on the other hand, they dare not refuse the armed militants.²⁹ Even if there is no overt threat by the militants, there is increased economic burden and the constant concern for the safety of the family.³⁰ Due to the presence of army jawans and militants, the ladies staying in the border areas of Nalbari wants their daughter to get married as soon as possible for security reasons.

Inferences: People, especially women, staying in border villages of Nalbari are in constant threat. When army comes to know that they had sheltered militants, their bodies become a bargaining chip.³¹ If the shelter seekers are from different ethnic groups, threat is multiplied. In other words, the army directly target women and the terrorists do so indirectly. In this case too, women as an identity marker invites control over and targeting of their sexuality and reproduction. In patriarchy, chastity is valued generally for determining descent and inheritance; but during conflict situations, female “purity” becomes the boundary for determining membership of the group identity and a mode of segregation from other identities.³² It is important to mention here that in movements where group identity is linked to “purity” either of race or behaviour or of ideology at a more symbolic level, female sexuality and reproduction becomes central not only to define female personhood but also the groups as an exclusive entity. Accordingly, values such as chastity, honour, female seclusion are reinforced.

Women Militants or Combatants

Women who are actively involved in the struggle do so either by choice or coercion. While a very few have joined for an ideological cause,³³ most have perceived themselves as being empowered and privileged as they had broken away from convention. Runumi, an ex-ULFA cadre in Baska says, “I had a romantic vision of myself defending my motherland with arms which soon got over.”³⁴ However, this act of rebellion has not necessarily improved their so-called “liberated” status.³⁵ Of 33 militants who surrendered in Tamulpur area in October 2007, most of the women militants revealed that the ULFA’s image of “Robinhood” has taken a hard knock as it has deviated from its original goal.

Coming to the public/private demarcation, in the jungle camps too, stereotypical gender roles are being played out. Women form the lowest rungs in the hierarchy. Though the bias is towards masculinising them, women are at the same time relegated to subordinate positions. The message during military training for women is to “kill the women in you” that endorses the inferiority of women according to the feminist thinkers.³⁶ Yet, many of these women are reportedly abducted for sex or cleaning the camp.

Women as Peace Negotiators

Goswami³⁷ is one rare woman working to catalyse the much-awaited negotiation between ULFA and the GOI. There has been no effort on the side of the state or non-state agencies to involve women in actual negotiations. Non-participation of women in these processes has resulted in marginalizing women’s needs and aspirations in the polity in general and in conflict situations in particular.³⁸

AN OVERALL ANALYSIS

In Nalbari, however, due to the prevailing situation, many women have had to give up the traditional stereotypical role and come out for work. In curfew-prone area of Nalbari, Bodo women sell home-made liquor known as Hari. Some women even opened up phone booth or PCO, local paan shop for daily earnings. Paradoxically, restrictions on women’s mobility increase during ethnic conflict.

Bodo women are seen in large number in public domain. The constraints of Assamese speaking non-tribal women regarding their restricted mobility and visibility with respect to Bodo women in public sphere can be attributed to their social milieu. However, such examples do not necessarily mean that the Bodo women have achieved “freedom” or a wider “space” for themselves. The freedom which they have attained is relative in nature and environment-specific as well. In tribal societies, the amount of work women perform is much more than that of their male counterpart. However the women of Nalbari, irrespective of their ethnic loyalties, have experienced continuing marginalization in the public realm.

Due to the conflict situations, high drop-out rate is being witnessed in case of women of Nalbari area. Often in times of conflict, schools are converted to army camps. The boys studying in that school can go to another school which is a kilometer away but for girls, it may not be possible. At times, parents are scared to send their daughters due to fear of army or militants.

The victims of violence speaks the same language (that of deep anguish, pain, trauma and hardship as expressed by Wasbir Hussain)³⁹ irrespective of whether they are kin of a militant group, wives/sisters of police officers, politicians or ordinary citizens. Caught amidst the conflicting situations, women have been compelled to take on roles that they have never thought as possible before – the responsibility of finding an alternative source of income and rebuilding for the survival of the family.

A common underlying thread runs through all categories is the inherent gender bias. This gets reinforced in the situations of conflict. In Nalbari, where much of the conflict is linked with the question of ethnic identities, women are seen as keepers of culture and tradition and, as such, patriarchal controls on the way women express themselves have increased.⁴⁰

If we talk of women cadres in the extremist groups, after the extensive training in jungles these women are virtually kept away from direct military action. Rather they play a supportive role by sending messages, helping their male counterparts in transporting arms, rations, etc. Even the role of the high-profiled women in ULFA like Kaberi Rajkonwar (wife of Commander-in-Chief), Meghali Saikia, Kalpana Neog, Moni Baruah, Sadhana Batcha, Rangdongjya Rabha, and Pranati Deka (Cultural Secretary) are largely ornamental in nature. The supposed liberation that women may achieve in situations of armed combat is often a temporary one. Women joining these groups see themselves as empowered and performing untraditional roles certainly in the initial stage of recruitment. This changes later, however, when they find themselves in a minority and unable to take on decision making roles. They often find themselves trapped into doing the same chores and household jobs that they would ordinarily take on in their homes.

Analysing health implications of armed conflict on women, it was found that there is an acute rise in incidences of infectious diseases amongst women armed combatants as said by a respondent.⁴¹ Besides, women’s reproductive health support services are especially affected in Nalbari. Even if services do not break down completely, health personnel are reluctant to enter and work in conflict areas for security reasons.

To conclude, women play multiple roles in armed conflict but these roles have by and large remained unacknowledged. The “supposed liberation” that women may achieve in situations of armed combat is often a temporary one, in which they are required to take roles traditionally reserved for men. Often women have to revert to household and private roles once the situation becomes little normal.

The multiple roles that women are subjected to play in armed conflict show that woman cannot be categorized just as victims of conflict. Even when they are victims; they exercise their agency and survival techniques despite adverse conditions. Armed conflict has complex and multiple impacts on women, and therefore, their response to armed conflict are also increasingly complex. Cultural codes impact women’s role in conflict. There are instances in Nalbari when women are trying to challenge traditional roles and create space for her. In fact, feminist thinkers⁴² have argued that women have all the potential to regain their lost space or prove as an independent agency during conflicts. But the reality is that most of the women or women combatants have been one of the subservience to men. Some women may achieve positions of leadership in situations of conflict but since the laws and social construction has not changed structurally, women as a group are yet to improve their position or receive equal rights.