Resolution of Armed-conflict in Manipur: An Alternative Perspective By DHANABIR LAISHRAM
Armed-conflict in Manipur has turned out to become a jigsaw puzzle with conflicting and confusing strands. The present crises would not have reached the stage had the Constitution of India enshrined in itself ‘right to secede’ as part of the right to self-determination by the constituting groups. There is still a way to solve the puzzle if this thought is taken seriously by the Indian state.
A solution to the vexed problem of armed-conflict in Manipur is still elusive. Concerned groups seem to be caught in a matrix of meaningless means and endless ends. Moreover, any suggestions, which tend to deviate from the established ‘wisdom’, are treated as blasphemy.(1) As a result, there is little ‘fresh’ thinking on the subject, least of all any proposition, which calls for sacrifice on the part of either of the contestants. In this paper, an alternative paradigm is put forward for consideration.
Basically, the question of conflict resolution arises when each contesting groups/parties have entrenched interests and have given critical output, in terms of relentless pursuits to achieve the goals through available means (armed struggle, ideological warfare, sustained mobilization and recruitment, etc.) over a period of time. Therefore, the first step towards resolution of any conflict is to identify the interests of the conflicting parties. And, the second step is to pursue means, which would make the parties sacrifice their interests so that a ‘compromised line’ could be adopted. This framework incorporates the methodologies and principles of conflict prevention, conflict management and conflict transformation and is, in turn, informed by these.
CONFLICT SITUATION IN MANIPUR
Any attempt for conflict resolution in Manipur needs to address to the two critical conflict situations. One is the ongoing armed-conflict between the armed opposition groups (hereafter AOGs) and the Indian State. And, the second is the conflict situation between the people in the hill and the valley which, so far, has not manifested in physical violence. The latter can be ascribed to different political aspirations of the people in the two geographical areas in the state. For our purpose, the former situation is prioritised over the second, as it can be taken as the source of the chains of conflicts in the state.
The AOGs in Manipur have their own sets of political ideas based on Marxist, Leninist or Maoist lines. Their conception and demand for self-determination is historically rooted and is juxtaposed against the nation-building enterprise of the Indian State and, thus, against her (state) security. Consequently, we have a situation in which two forces subscribing to antagonistic political objectives enter into conflict. Over the years, the situation has escalated. Therefore, any attempt to resolve the crisis needs to determine the genesis of the conflict. From this one can devise modalities to minimise the conflict or predict a time when the conflict is likely to end.
THE GENESIS OF UNREST
Manipur’s existence as a sovereign kingdom for many centuries came to an end when the British defeated her in the Anglo-Manipur War of 1891.(2) Hereafter, the Queen of Britain assumed suzerainty over the kingdom until British paramountcy lapsed on August 14, 1947.(3) Manipur once again became independent and sovereign power was restored to the king. Through a general election in June 1948, under the Manipur Constitution of 1947, popular sovereignty was enforced.(4) The first ever Assembly sitting on October 18, 1948 heralded Manipur as an independent constitutional monarchy. But the independent political status was short-lived as the Dominion of India snatched away the freedom from people on September 21, 1949. The leaders of the then Dominion of India, who had all along maintained that the people of the princely state should decide the future of the state, failed to take into confidence the opinion of the people’s representatives in the then existing national house of Manipur. Instead, the ‘Merger Agreement’ was forced upon the king in Shillong. This was achieved through intimidation and willful manipulation and the King signed the Agreement under duress. The people of Manipur were kept in the dark about this Agreement and it became operational on October 15, 1947 and independent Manipur became a Part ‘C’ State under the Dominion of India. The National Convention on Merger Agreement held on October 28–29, 1993 at Imphal, declared the agreement as ‘lacking constitutional validity and having no legality’ and ‘Merger’ was termed as ‘Annexation’.(5)
Since the day when Manipur was annexed in the most undemocratic way, the people of the state who are of Mongoloid stock, speaking a language of Tibeto-Burman family and having a separate culture and history of its own, have been struggling to regain the lost sovereignty. This is the genesis of political unrest and subsequent armed conflict in the state.
The antagonistic nature of the relationship between Manipur, the occupied nation, and, India the colonial power, emerges strongly as time passes by. Shaped by such a form of power relationship, people have become more organised in their show of defiance against the imposed rule, which is manifested in the form of mass protests, armed revolutionary movements and human rights activism, etc. At the same time, the Indian State’s difficulty in sustaining its continued rule is clearly demonstrated in its implicit dependence on draconian laws and suppressive measures. State terrorism is practised to suppress the people for the continuation of the Indian rule. The fallout is that people’s ‘Right to Life’ is denied in the escalating scenario of human rights violations. Nothing can be clearer than the statement given by one opposition leader in the state legislature of Manipur in the wake of the gang rape of a housewife by the Indian Army on August 1, 1996 in which he termed the incident as a clear case of ‘State Terrorism and human rights violation by the Indian Army.’(6)
THE ARMED OPPOSITION GROUPS
The AOGs in Manipur are of the opinion that it is incorrect to term the armed unrest prevalent therein as insurgency. Rather, it should be understood as a ‘class struggle’(7) between the oppressed and the oppressor. For them, India is a foreign oppressor, which snatched away Manipur’s sovereignty. Their national territory is under the control of the occupying Indian forces, and the natives are oppressed. The AOGs affirm that they represent the oppressed people and their resistance is against the oppressor. So, they have every right to clear away the Indian military presence from the soil of Manipur. According to them, this is not a case of waging war against the Indian Government. This is a war of resistance against the hidden war initiated by the foreign oppressor.(8) They have also clarified that theirs is not a separatist movement; all they want is that the GoI and its security forces should leave the ‘occupied land’.(9) They also rejected overtures to peace talks proposed by both the state and central government.
STATE TERRORISM THROUGH BLACK LAWS
The Government of India brands the people of Manipur as secessionists and, therefore, tries to suppress them by force. Such policies hardly envisage the people as citizens of India. So, ‘State Terrorism’ through ‘Black Laws’ is orchestrated to obtain ‘habitual obedience’ from the people.(11)
State terrorism, particularly against the people of Manipur, is carried out in an organized and systematic way. The display of sophisticated weapons, armored vehicles and columns of army (speaking foreign languages), etc. instill fear in the mind of the general public. Armed forces are given sweeping powers by the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 (AFSPA) which is a reincarnation of the British colonial law, the Armed Forces Special Power Ordinance, 1942, promulgated in the wake of the Japanese aggression in World War II. Under Section 4 of AFSPA, even a Havildar is empowered to commit murder as judicial scrutiny is foreclosed under the Act. Section 6 of the very Act authorizes arrest without warrant. Since September 9, 1979, most of the areas of Manipur have been declared as ‘disturbed area’ to facilitate the operation of this Act. More than 50,000 army and para-military forces assisted by heavily armed personnel of Manipur Police and Manipur Rifles are deployed in the name of maintaining law and order.11 The army, para-military forces and state police take every opportunity to terrorize the general mass by way of combing operation, illegal detention, custodial killing, indiscriminate firing, fake encounters, torture, rape and killing of women, etc. Many innocent people have lost their lives through such acts of the armed forces.(12)
POPULAR PERCEPTION ON ‘POLITICAL ISSUE’ & ARMED CONFLICT
Although the ‘forced merger’ was decried by majority of the people, the local elites, especially the scholars, worked for the success of India’s nation-building enterprise. They promoted India’s core agenda of homogenization—a common religion, a common culture and a common language. Among the local populace, too, there were sections who identified themselves with India. For example, more than 1,000 students volunteered to fight against Pakistan in the Indo-Pakistan war of 1965. But today such a sense of affinity with India is dissolving into a sense of alienation among the people of the state.
The root cause of this can be attributed to, in addition to forced annexation, the economic backwardness as well as in the political alienation of the people of the state. No infrastructure worth the name has been built in this state and people feel deprived even after almost five decades of independence. As a result, they do not consider themselves as equal partners in the Indian Union. Economic backwardness stems from the un-utilised natural resources, lack of infrastructure, absence of development in secondary and tertiary sectors, etc. Further, neglect of the northeastern region from the very beginning and government apathy towards the state during the post-annexation period are reflected in peoples discontentment. Besides, the people are worried about demographic imbalance being created by illegal immigration from neighboring countries.(13) From this point of view, people feel that emergence of armed struggle is inevitable. Thus, people support the ongoing radical form of resistance in the state.
There is also a feeling that even the Constitution of India is discriminatory against small states, as they have no equal representation in the Council of States. To remove this apprehension one can suggest that India should be declared as a multi-national state. At present, the Northeast states have very small representation (for Manipur there are two in Lok Sabha, and one in Rajya Sabha). All these factors compound the political issues of Manipur and other states of Northeast.(14)
Another major apprehension among the people of Manipur is the possible balkanization of the territory of Manipur in the ongoing peace talks between India and National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-IM).(15) India’s efforts to appease the Naga rebels could lead to granting them a separate greater Nagaland or south Nagaland, thus jeopardizing Manipur’s age-old international boundary status. The question of the Indian State’s ignorance of the symbiotic relationship between the hills and the valley of Manipur, and viability of the remnant State produced in the case of a historico-politico-geographical entity called Manipur being dismantled in the wake of a settlement of the Indo-Naga issue have been the main concerns of the people. Instead of bringing solution, the government seems to take interest in re-enacting the politics of divide and rule of the British colonial era and upon inducing differences on ethnic lines as tools of counter-insurgency.
As far as ‘keeping’ peace in Manipur is concerned, initiatives for ‘continuance’ of peaceful coexistence among the hill and valley people should be given due regards. If the root cause of ethnic enmity is economic backwardness, poor communication networks, lack of medical facilities and education, etc., we must fight together in order to have equal allocation of resources and improvement of all in the larger interest of forging common aspiration. Only in such a scenario will civil society emerge as an autonomous pole equidistant from both the government and armed groups. This is one of the best paths our people can follow to ensure for themselves a brighter future.
It is worth mentioning here that the hill people alone do not have a monopoly of grievances in terms of being deprived of access to productive resources and incomes. There are also large number of people in the valley who are similarly deprived. The similar predicaments call for unity among the tribal and non-tribal, deprived and the downtrodden for launching struggle/movements in order to get due shares of entitlements. Only then could inadequacies, deprivations and sufferings be addressed. Such endeavors would not be possible without sacrificing one’s ethnic identities, interest, and so forth. Ethnicity is undoubtedly a source of creative energy, but needs to be channelised for all round development of the people. The crucial requirement is to create conditions for effective community participation at the grassroot level through greater decentralization of power and ensure equitable distribution and access to productive resources.
In short, the problem in Manipur is not merely insurgency. The problem is many-fold —historical, political, economic and social — and should receive top priority in the government’s agenda. It is time for the state and the central government to come forward with a fresh package of economic proposal to alleviate poverty, unemployment and other related maladies. Counter-insurgency operation, President’s rule, and army rule may bring only a ‘temporary respite’ but not a permanent solution. The state government, instead of refraining from interfering in the counter-insurgency measures taken up by the army, should play a more active role so as to contain violence committed under the AFSPA.(16) Moreover, the state government should expedite its integrated socio-economic plan to uplift the remote areas of valley as well as the hills.
THE SOLUTION
As far as solution of the armed conflict in Manipur is concerned, ruling elites suggest that economic development could bring peace in the region. But the AOGs clarify that it is a distorted perception and an official projection to minimise the historical significance of the armed movement. They hold that, in reality, it is a contradiction between re-colonization and decolonization. Embedded in the armed resistance movement is a deep organizational structure of the oppressed people. As a consequence, there is class struggle between the oppressed and the oppressor and the momentum is being sustained by the significance of historical legacy of Manipur’s annexation into the Indian political fold.
The proscribed United National Liberation Front (UNLF) said that in order to find a lasting solution on the Indo-Manipuri conflict, the root cause should be first understood and spelt out a four-point proposal for the Government of India to ponder over. In a statement issued to the press on February 3, 2005, Chairman of the outfit, Sanayaima said, ‘The main root of conflict is independence of Manipur and as such it is necessary to seek the mandate of the people by holding a plebiscite under the aegis of the United Nations’.(17) To make the plebiscite free and fair, UNLF proposed that the services of the UN peacekeeping force be utilized. And to enable the plebiscite to be held within the time frame given by the UN, the cadres would deposit their arms with the peacekeeping forces. Similarly, the Indian government should withdraw its regular army and para-military forces from Manipur..(18) The UNLF highlighted that the liberation struggle has reached the stage where the fight against Indian rule is being sustained with the steadily growing armed struggle. The UNLF statement said, ‘Strategically, this democratic move has concerned the goal between two dilemmas – plebiscite or the military option’..(19)
Plebiscite is a democratic solution, which will end Manipur-Indian political conflict once for all but military solution is not a solution at all. Experiences in the last 50 years have shown the futility of pursuing military solution to a basically political conflict. This has only resulted in the loss of innumerable human lives. UNLF highlighted this important dimension, too. Moreover, the outfit insisted that the plebiscite is the only door for India’s gracious exit; flexing military will only lead to an ignominious defeat..(20)
As far as peace talk is concerned, Irengbam Chaoren, Chairman of the Revolutionary Peoples’ Front and its armed wing People Liberation Army stated on the ‘Independence Demand Day’ of his party on February 25, 2005, that it should be decided by the people. The party would observe response of the Government of India, and his organization will decide on depositing of arms to any party. But political leaders of India—George Fernandez, Gurudas Gupta and Pranab Mukherjee—who recently visited Manipur, gave negative responses. In a statement , the UNLF said, ‘The outright rejection of the plebiscite by Mukherjee and Gupta was not unexpected as they are from the government. But the observation of George Fernandez that the Indian Constitution needs to be amended for the plebiscite to fructify is certainly interesting.’.(21) But they condemned Gurudas Gupta’s reported remark, ‘As Manipur is a small state, it will not survive independently even if it got independence from Indian Union’, as a contemptuous insult to the people of Manipur. They argued that the history of Manipur did not begin with the annexation by India in 1949, and added that Manipur existed as an independent nation for many centuries. Manipur is also the first country in South Asia to hold democratic elections under the universal adult franchise in 1948.(22)
In lines similar to that of the Union Ministers, Captain Ashok Tipnis (Retd.) opined:
The entire process of electing the government and Members of the Parliament over and over again is a statement of the people, by the people and for the people through their vote. That means we should respect the democratic statement of the people and conceive that Manipur is a part of the Indian Republic by choice of the majority of the people. There is nothing to gain more by sowing more seeds dissension at this point in history…I also believe that the undemocratic, unlawful option to resort to arms in order to turn back the wheels of history is not only proving counter productive but that it is doing deadly harm to governance in Manipur and to society all around. (23)
Contrary to the above statement, scholars of Manipur suggest that numerous constitutional arrangements introduced by the Centre fall short of the regional aspiration for more autonomy. In fact, the rise of insurgency in the region is an extreme manifestation of regionalism, which derives its moral inspiration and legal sanction from the Constitution itself. People of Manipur also have a stake to give their voice in this matter. They organised numerous meetings and strongly favoured plebiscite to resolve the problem. This indicates that the conflict of Manipur with India is not a question of economic development alone but is about ‘history’. Plebiscite, they believe, can ultimately decide if one becames a willing citizen of India or were coerced to be one. Granting this exercise is a litmus test for India: it could solidify the credibility of India as a democratic republic where popular voice should be heeded.
Lastly, to resolve the political conflict in Northeast India or in Manipur, the right to secede should be incorporated in the Constitution of India. This is not a question of anti-India feeling but about deepening India’s sense of equal treatment to all its political units. The feeling of alienation that has crept into the region because of neglect for more than fifty years would have never arisen if the provision for self-determination was a part of the Constitution. The Indian state would have endorsed even development to all its federating units to check voluntary secession. At the moment, it is very difficult to constitute a new Constituent Assembly for the purpose. Nonetheless, the two houses of the Parliament can come together to re-examine the process of amendment to bring about necessary changes to ensure democratic progress with a common political aspiration in the country.
NOTES & REFERENCES:
1. Here established ‘wisdom’ refers to the view that ‘Peace and Development’ should solve the problem of insurgency in Manipur. Most of the senior citizens subscribed to this view, for instance, in a seminar ‘Development & Peace’, held at Guest House, Imphal, October 28–29, 2004, organised by Editor’s Forum, Manipur. Prof. A.E. Mahapatra lays more emphasis on the direction of development in Bimal J. Deb (ed.), Development Priorities in NE India, (New Delhi: Concept Publishing), 2002, p.8.
2. R.K. Jhaljit, A Short History of Manipur, (Imphal: J.M. Printing Works), 1968, p. 5.
3. L. Ibungohal Singh, Introduction to Manipur, (Imphal), 1987, p. 155.
4. Naorem Sanajaoba, Manipur: Past and Present, Vol. I, (New Delhi: Mittal Publication), 1998, p. 254.
5. ‘National Convention on Merger Agreement’, held at G.M. Hall, Imphal, October 28–29, 1993, organized by the People’s Democratic Movement, Manipur.
6.The Imphal Free Press, August 4, 1996.
7. In socialist revolutions, class struggle occurs between the proletariat and bourgeois. But in liberation struggles, class struggle is between the oppressed people and oppressor. For example, in the Cuban revolution, the forces that fought were workers, peasants, petty bourgeois, students and employees in office, etc.
8. Here hidden war means snatching away of sovereignty, operation of occupying forces on the native soil to maintain the status quo and violation of human rights, etc.
9. Memorandum submitted by the Revolutionary People’s Front (Manipur) to the Chairman of Decolonization Committee, United Nations, December 11, 1996, p. xv.
10. N. Bisheswar Singh, The Last Expression on My Death Bed, (Imphal: Pax Publication), 1986, pp. 77 & 79.
11. Seminar paper presented by Comdt. R.S. Jassal (Retd.) on ‘Manipur: Insurgency Redefined’, held on October 28–29, 2004 at State Guest House, Imphal, organised by Editor’s Forum, Manipur.
12. COHR, Human Rights Violation in Manipur, (Imphal: COHR) , 2005.
13. Kailash Sarmas, ‘Population Growth and Demographic Balance in NE in the Threshold of the New Millenium’, in Bimal J. Deb (ed.), Development Priorities in NE India, (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company), 2002, p. 164.
14. Seminar paper on ‘Constitutional Safeguard for the Indigenous Peoples of the Northeast: Special focus Manipur and Tripura’, held at Guwahati, March 13–14, 2004, organized by the North East Foundation and sponsored by Minister of Home Affairs, New Delhi.
15. In the Peace Talk initiated by the Govt. of India with NSCN (IM) reorganization of state boundary is included. See also Pages of People’s Voice, Vol. 4, No. 2, April–June 2004, published by ROE Units & CSD.
16. Interview with one of the coordinators of Apunba Lup and Chairman of NECOHR, Chongthamcha Surjit, on July 20, 2004.