Tribal Autonomy in Assam: Problems and Prospects By M. AMARJEET SINGH
Granting of autonomy to minority communities based on ethnicity has proli-ferated claims for autonomy in most of the ethnic communities in the region. However, these institutions instead of serving autonomy and all round development for the minorities have rather encouraged ethnic exclusivism.
Northeast India, with its diverse ethnic communities, has been witnessing struggles ranging from demands for various forms of autonomy to separation from the Indian Union. Assam, geographically the second largest and the most populous state in the region, faces several demands by ethnic communities in the state for various forms of autonomy. Partly because of these demands and also partly because of a perception by many guardians of the then ‘new India’ of differential levels of development of the Assamese ethnic-scape, formation of special constitutional provisions like the Sixth Schedule looked almost inevitable. Unfortunately, the special provision was not given a fair trial, and many of the problems, which this provision was to tackle, could not be attended to. Meanwhile, new issues have cropped up in due course of time. Notwithstanding claims about having ushered in peace and stability in the region, the provision has not succeeded in its avowed objective, and has only added to the discontent. Assam has since then been divided into five states. The paper discusses the proliferation of a particular kind of political mobilization in Assam by various communities to demarcate a separate territory and political space for themselves to the exclusion of the others living in that space.
A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
The province of Assam was a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-racial entity. During the British colonial rule, a number of laws governed the administration of the hill areas of Assam. The Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulations of 1873 prohibited the entry of all British subjects in the area within the Inner Line without a permit issued by the competent authority.(1) Again, a considerable part of Assam was declared ‘backward’ areas under the Government of India Act, 1919. Further, from 1937, under the Government of India Act 1935, certain tribal areas of Assam were termed as ‘excluded’ and ‘partially excluded’ areas(2), placing them outside the purview of the provincial administration and bringing them directly under the Governor of Assam. As a result, the tribals of the hill districts were encouraged to distance themselves from the plainsmen and developed a special kind of identity that had remained crucial for subsequent political developments. The British indirectly ruled over the hill districts that were left to the management of the traditional authorities who would be easily manipulated. It was a simple paternalistic British rule in the hills unlike the plain districts. Moreover, the Christian missionaries were licensed to operate in the hill areas and convert the tribals into Christianity. As part of this operation, they also published Bible in many tribal languages. Before they left Assam, a proposal was floated to carve a tribal crown colony from Garo Hills to upper Burma. Many of the tribes were encouraged to ask for independence away from India. This was the background in which the Constitution Drafting Committee of free India set up a sub-committee (North East Frontier Tribal and Excluded Areas Committee) with Gopinath Bordoloi, then Premier of Assam, as its Chairman. The sub-committee recommended autonomous districts and regional councils to safeguard the hill tribes of Assam in respect of their land, social customs and usages, language and culture.(3) These special provisions were listed under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India for the administration of hill tribal areas. While reporting to the Constituent Assembly, Gopinath Bordoloi reminded the members on the ethnic background of Assam Hills:
It is not unknown to you that the rule of the British Government and the activities of the foreign Missionaries always went together.… During the war, the then rulers and officers developed in the minds of these tribal people a sense of separation and isolation and gave them assurances that at the end of the war they will be independent states managing their affairs in their own way. They were made to believe that the entire hills would be constituted into a province and put under some irresponsible government. You might possibly have read in the papers that plans were hatched in England in which the ex-Governors of Assam evidently took part, to create a sort of kingdom over there.(4)
The Sixth Schedule classified two sets of tribal areas of (undivided) Assam using the administrative categories that were then in effect: (i) the United Khasi-Jaintia Hills District (excluding Shillong), the Garo Hills, the Lushai (Mizo) Hills, the Mikir Hills (now Karbi Anglong), the Naga Hills and the North Cachar Hills; and (ii) the North Frontier Tracts and the Naga Tribal Area.(5) The Sixth Schedule provides for autonomous district and autonomous regions within those districts with elected councils which enjoy powers to levy taxes, to constitute courts for the administration of justice involving tribals and law-making powers on subjects including land allotment, occupation or use of land, regulation of jhum or other forms of shifting cultivation, establishment and administration of village and town committees, appointment or succession of chiefs, inheritance of property, marriage and social customs.
Initially, the Sixth Schedule was not intended to protect all the tribes (now Scheduled Tribes) of Northeast India. Only those who were considered to be relatively backward in the former ‘excluded’ and ‘partially excluded’ areas were termed ‘tribal areas’ and these came under the purview of the Sixth Schedule. The special needs of the plains tribes of Assam, e.g. the Bodos, Misings, Lalung, Sonowal, Deori and Tiwas, were the responsibility of the Minority Rights Sub-Committee of the Advisory Committee of the Constituent Assembly.
Since 1952, district councils were formed in the United Khasi-Jaintia Hills District, Garo Hills District, Lushai (Mizo) Hills District, Mikir Hills District (now Karbi Anglong District), and North Cachar Hills District. The Nagas were not impressed with such arrangement and rejected it outright and took to insurgency. Incidentally, the most backward tribal area of the region (present Arunachal Pradesh) continued to be under the special dispensation of the governor of the province, who was guided by a tribal advisor in his administrative duties.
BALKANIZATION OF ASSAM
Along with the introduction of the Sixth Schedule, the demand for a separate hill state had come in the then Khasi Hills. Meanwhile, such a claim for autonomy further intensified with the growing insistence of the Assamese speakers for maintaining linguistic dominance in the state by declaring Assamese as the state language. On 10 October 1960, when the Assam Official Language Bill was moved, there was an unprecedented polarization of non-Assamese communities both outside and inside the Assam Legislative Assembly. The move alienated the already estranged hill people, who had also apprehended the suppression of their language and cultures in Assam. The Bodos and other plains tribes too joined the wagon of protests in course of time and Assam became turbulent in early 1960s.
The Naga Hills District along with Tuensang Hill District had been promoted to statehood in 1963. Thereafter, the Khasi and Jaintia Hills were made a sub-state(6) and then upgraded into a full-fledged state of Meghalaya in 1972. Again, in 1972, the Mizo Hills District and Arunachal were separated from Assam and made union territories first, and then into a full-fledged state of Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh respectively in 1987. In this way, the experiment with tribal autonomy paved the way towards increasing balkanization of Assam.
The United Mikir and North Cachar Hills District came under the provision of the Sixth Schedule in 1952. In 1976, the North Cachar Hills were carved out as a separate district, while the Mikir Hills were renamed Karbi Anglong. What came next was not surprising. The formation of Meghalaya and Mizoram in succession triggered the demand for the formation of the Autonomous State Demand Committee (ASDC). It spearheaded a movement demanding the creation of an autonomous state. The ASDC-led movement culminated in the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed in Delhi on 1 April 1995 between the Assam government and the leaders of the ASDC. Consequent upon the signing of the MoU, the nomenclature of the two autonomous district councils was changed to autonomous councils. Ten years after signing the MoU, the same set of leaders are now disillusioned with the autonomous councils and have demanded creation of separate state comprising the geographical areas of Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills. In the course of a debate in the Lok Sabha, veteran Karbi politician, Dr. Jayanta Rongpi stated:
[T]he Sixth Schedule has failed in India…. One of the basic problems of the Sixth Schedule Autonomous Councils is that the funding from the Government of India is through the State Government. Most of the State Governments are burdened with overdraft problem. So, the funds meant for the tribal areas do not reach the tribal Autonomous Councils…. The second issue is the personnel, the bureaucracy. There should be a separate cadre for the tribal Autonomous Councils. If you post the same cadre officers to the tribal areas, then nobody will go there. This is the experience of Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hill districts. They treat the tribal areas… as a dumping ground, as a punishment to the officers …. The next is the elections. It is at the whims of the State government whether they will hold the election or not. If the Council is ruled by an Opposition Party, then they will not hold election. So, after five years it will go directly under the Governor’s rule. That means it will indirectly be ruled by the Ruling Party in the State…. Regarding nominated members… you have said that you are giving grass-root level democracy… to the tribals. [I]n the Bodoland Autonomous Territorial Council, out of 46 members, six are nominated by the Government. That means 15 per cent seats go to the non-elected members. So, it is a mockery of democracy. We have the experience of Karbi Anglong. [I]n the 1950s and 1960s, repeatedly Garo Hills Autonomous Councils, Khasi Hills Autonomous Councils and Jaintia Hills Autonomous Councils were destabilized by the then Government of Assam, with the help of these nominated members. (7)
ASDC leaders argued that, even under the Sixth Schedule, the two tribal councils do not enjoy financial autonomy and, for development projects, they remained at the mercy of the state government. Added to this, the councils had to depend on the changing political relations with the state leadership. As a result, the councils’ dependence on the state government continued and the very purpose of the Sixth Schedule could not be achieved. While the Karbis in Karbi Anglong are agitating for an autonomous state, the Kukis with an estimated population of about 35,000 have been agitating for the constitution of a separate Kuki ‘regional council’ under the provision of the Sixth Schedule within the district. Such a demand had disturbed the dominant Karbis, who see the district as the ‘historic homeland’ of the Karbis.
Following the first Bodo accord, which gave birth to the failed experiment of the Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC), the state government under Hiteswar Saikia created in 1995 three more autonomous councils through state legislation for the Mising, the Rabha and the Lalung (Tiwa). When these accords were made, both the government and the leaders representing the three tribes knew well that the BAC experiment was not working. To no one’s surprise, in the eleven years since the creation of the three councils, the territory of none of the councils has been demarcated. One of the main reasons for this was the shared space (both geographical as well as socio-cultural) enjoyed by these communities for ages. Continuing with this trend of granting autonomy to a number of ethnic communities, again in 2005 the state government passed legislation providing for the creation of autonomous councils for the Sonowal Kachari, Deori and Thengal Kachari communities. As a byproduct of granting such autonomies, there is the mobilization through agitation by those communities which fear their exclusion from the council areas. Thus, the non-tribals who have been historically sharing the same social and political space are now agitating for recognition as Scheduled Tribes (STs) to pre-empt such possible exclusion.
BODOS UNDER THE SIXTH SCHEDULE
The emergence of political consciousness among the Bodos may be traced back to the submission of a memorandum to the Indian Statutory Commission(8) in 1929 by the Bodo community of Goalpara and the Kachari Juvak Sanmiloni demanding political power. Again, the British’s plan to reorganize the Indian administration on the basis of local self-government and provincial autonomy ushered a ray of hope among the Bodos and they formed the Tribal League in 1933 to canvas for the same. In 1967, the Plains Tribal Council of Assam (PTCA) voiced the direct demand for autonomy for the plains tribes of Assam.
The Bodos are the largest ‘plain tribes’(9) in Assam. They are essentially cultivators, and agriculture continues to be the mainstay of their economy. And, therefore, land is of supreme importance to them. They have been bi-lingual, speaking Bodo and Assamese with ease for decades. In view of the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) aggressive agitation for detection of the alleged foreigners and demand for acceptance of Assamese culture and language, they developed a sense of insecurity and termed it as a conspiracy to swallow and assimilate them. Subsequently, they began with peaceful agitations in their territory in 1986. But the agitations occasionally turned violent leading to serious threat to life and property.
From 1986 to the signing of the first Bodo Accord (1993) that led to the creation of the Bodo Autonomous Council (BAC) through state legislation, the Bodo autonomy movement was spearheaded by All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU). Ultimately, in February 1993, a Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) was reached constituting a 40–member Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC). Even after the formation of the BAC, demarcation of the boundary continues to pose serious challenge to its functioning. As boundary issues between the BAC and Government of Assam remained unresolved, election to the BAC was not held. Besides, the BAC could never exercise whatever limited autonomy was provided to it by the Act mainly because of the insufficient financial power and overwhelming domination of the state government. This has led to a feeling among the Bodos that only a separate state of Bodoland would serve their purpose. This led to the revival of the demand for a separate state. The revival of the demand for statehood led to the emergence of a new brand of militancy in the region. The Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT) was formed on 18 June 1996 to achieve a separate state of Bodoland on the north bank of Brahmaputra. Suddenly the Bodo region was thrown into a quagmire of violence. By July 1999, BLT declared unilateral ceasefire in response to the Union government’s appeal for talks. Finally, on October 2, 2001, BLT gave up its demand for a separate Bodoland state and reconciled itself to politico-administrative arrangements for autonomy under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian constitution. This led to the signing of a Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) for the creation of the Bodo Territorial Council (BTC) on February 10, 2003 between the representatives of Union Government, Assam Government and a BLT delegation. The main provisions of the MoS relate ‘to creation of the BTC, an autonomous self-governing body within the State of Assam and under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India to fulfill economic, educational and linguistic aspirations, socio-cultural and ethnic identity of the Bodos; and to speed up the infrastructure development in BTC area.’(10) Subsequently, a 12-member interim BTC, led by the former ‘chief’ of the now disbanded BLT, Hagrama Mohilary, was constituted at Kokrajhar on December 7, 2003.
The Council has tremendous challenges before it. Its paramount tasks have been giving top priority to the development of vandalized infrastructure such as road communication, education, health care and employment, which have been neglected for long. One significant trial before the Council is to win the confidence of the non-Bodos that spearheaded an agitation against the formation of BTC. It even accused the government of succumbing to the ‘gun culture’ of the BLT. Its main argument was that Bodo constituted only 25 per cent of the total population in the BTC area and this quarter of population should not be given the right to rule over the other three-fourth of the population over the area. Non-availability of adequate finance for developmental works in time continued to worry the functioning of the Council. More importantly, maintaining good working relationship with the State and the Union Governments will be another measure of the success of the Council.
As expected, elections to the Council were not held in time, and when held, on May 13, 2005, were marred by violence. The high hopes of the Bodos following the formation of the Council quickly dissolved when former BLT leaders fell out with the former leaders of the ABSU in their bid to control Bodo politics. The nascent Bodo People’s Progressive Front (BPPF), formed at Kokrajhar on April 12, 2005 at the behest of the ABSU and surrendered BLT militants, underwent a sudden split on the eve of the Council elections. The power tussle among the Bodo leaders triggered by the first election to the Council has affected the fortunes of the BPPF with two sharply divided camps, one comprising former members of the ABSU and the other comprising those of the surrendered BLT cadres.
Not surprisingly, the creation of the BTC has been viewed with fear and anger among the non-Bodo ethnic communities represented by Sanmilita Jana Gosthiya Sangram Samity (SJSS)—an amalgam of 18 non-Bodo groups. It alleged that the government has imposed an ‘ex-parte settlement’ on the 80 per cent non-Bodo population in the BTC area. To queer the pitch, one of the important constituents of the SJSS, the Koch Rajbongshi (caste-Hindu community classed as Other Backward Classes), which historically belonged to the Bodo stock have started demanding status of scheduled tribes (ST). The Bodos see such demand as an intolerable provocation and an encroachment on their political space secured after prolonged struggle.
Furthermore, with the creation of the BTC, three plains tribal communities —the Mising, the Rabha and the Tiwa—which have their respective autonomous councils have begun demanding the upgradation of the status of their Councils to that of Territorial Council. It is a matter of time before the Sonowal Kachari and the Deori, which have respective autonomous councils (created in 2005), follow suit. The BTC has, thus, served to open a Pandora’s box for very small plains tribal communities to seek special status under the provision of the Sixth Schedule.
CONCLUDING OBSERVATION
The Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution was enacted with the objective of transforming the composite province of Assam into a happy home of plainsmen and hills-men alike. However, the Assamese assertion of their linguistic claims over the entire state created a fear psychosis among various hill tribes that they had no future in Assam. This was reflected in Nagas’ rejection of the Sixth Schedule in 1950 and non-inclusion of Arunachal Pradesh in the scheme of the district councils. In due course of time, other hill districts also launched agitations for district autonomy, which was soon turned into demands for statehood.
The increasing divide between the dominant Assamese and restive hill tribes continued unabated and it contributed to the dissection of the composite state of Assam in spite of the existence of the Sixth Schedule. These developments have largely shaped the future political regrouping in Assam. It may not be out of context to note that stipulation of the district councils under the provision of the Sixth Schedule has largely been interpreted by the tribesmen of the Northeast as an ad hoc arrangement between tribal village councils and statehood. And they have come to believe that the district councils could be upgraded into statehood in the times to come. Following in the footsteps of Meghalaya and Mizoram, the Karbis and the Dimasas are up in arms for the creation of a separate state for themselves as they see no hope for safeguarding their culture and identity under the provision of the Sixth Schedule within the State of Assam. Similarly, with the formation of the BTC in 2003 there is growing demand among the plains tribes of Assam to agitate for the creation of BTC-style territorial councils for themselves.
Most of the tribes of the Northeast have come to believe that adequate share of political power is a necessary condition for retaining their cultural identity and, more so, for their all round development. Such aspirations are not only reasonable but also legitimate. But it starts facing rough weather once the aspirations for cultural identity and development get necessarily connected with exclusive administrative boundaries for ‘self-governance’. Given the nature and magnitude of ethnic diversity of Assam, not only of the plurality but also of shared geographical and cultural spaces among these communities, such a demand calls for serious reflection. In other words, granting of autonomy based on ethnic identities and exclusive divides has not gone well for the people of the region at large. In fact, it aggravates the appetite for such aggressive postures. The leadership—the tribal and the Assamese—has to be convinced that isolated existence will not serve their security and well being, rather a sense of sharing will lead to security, prosperity, peace and well being..
NOTES & REFERENCES:
1. The regulation was then made applicable in the districts of Kamrup, Darrang, Nowgong, Sibsagar, Lakhimpur, Garo Hills, Khasi and Jaintia Hills, Cachar and Chittagong Hills.
2. Excluded Areas included Naga Hills, Lushai Hills, North Cachar Hills, and North East Frontier (Sadiya, Balipara and Lakhimpur) Tracts; and Partially Excluded Areas covered Garo Hills, Mikir Hills and the Khasi-Jaintia Hills.
3. H.K. Barpujari, India’s North-East: Problems, Policies and Prospects since Independence, (Guwahati and Delhi: Spectrum Publication), 1998, pp. 6–7.
4.Constituent Assembly Debates, Vol. IX, p. 101.
5.The first set of areas today comprises the States of Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and parts of Assam, and the second set consists mostly the State of Arunachal Pradesh and a part of Nagaland. The Sixth Schedule institutions were meant for both sets of areas, but the latter set of territories, which were mostly un-administered during the colonial period, were considered to be not quite ready for such self-governing institutions. The administration of those areas was to be carried out directly from Delhi—with the Governor of Assam acting as the agent of the President of India.
6. On 24 December 1969, parliament passed the Assam Reorganisation (Meghalaya) Bill to create ‘an Autonomous State to be known as Meghalaya within the State of Assam (the executive power of the new unit was vested in the Governor of Assam, aided and advised by the Councils of Ministers of Meghalaya, in relation to the autonomous state.
7. Lok Sabha debate on consideration and passing of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2003 on August1, 2003.
8. The erstwhile British government appointed the Indian Statutory Commission on constitutional reforms on 8 November 1927. The chairman of the commission was Sir John Simon and all other six members were also British and Member of Parliament. Hence, the commission was also called ‘all white commission’. This commission officially called ‘Simon Commission’ arrived in Shillong on 2 January 1929. Twenty-seven organizations of Assam province submitted memoranda to the commission. (For further details, see FENGKHA, a mouthpiece published by Anchalik Committee, All Bodo Students’ Union, Kokrajhar, February 1999).
9. Of Assam’s population of 22.4 million in 1991, 9.2 per cent were plain tribes and 1.9 per cent were hill tribes; of which 1.2 million people, or 5.3 per cent, identified themselves as speakers of the Bodo language.
10. M. Amarjeet Singh, ‘Assam: Challenges Before Bodo Territorial Council’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXXIX, No. 8, 2004, pp. 56–57.